Tuesday, April 13, 2010

US, Brazil Put Ink on New Defense Pact

Brazilian Defense Minister Nelson Jobim joined US Sec. of Defense Robert Gates in the Pentagon Monday to sign the first military cooperation accord between the two countries in over 30 years. “The agreement is formal recognition of many interests and values that we share as the two largest democracies in the Americas,” Gates said during the press conference which followed the accord’s signing. The US-Brazil Defense Cooperation Agreement includes at least 7 principal points, according to a DOD statement released Monday. Among them: cooperation in areas of research, development and technology security; information exchanges on military best practices; combined military training and joint exercises; collaboration related to military systems and equipment; defense instructor and student exchanges; naval ship visits; and commercial initiatives on defense matters. That all sounds like rather mundane stuff. And according to the Center for International Policy’s Adam Isacson (quoted in BBC Mundo’s coverage) the does not appear to represent a very large change in US-Brazil relations. The impact will be principally “technical,” he notes.

It’s interesting to note that there is no mention of counter-narcotics cooperation—which was originally cited as the primary reason for this new accord. Also, despite an attempt by both the US and Brazil to distinguish this security pact from an earlier one signed with Colombia, Arturo Valenzuela’s words in a recent Semana interview leave some lingering doubts [the headline, in particular, “The agreement with Brazil is similar to the one with Colombia,” is surely something the US and Brazil are not so happy about]. Here’s Valenzuela in his own words in that interview:

“Just as the agreement with Colombia was a modernization of what we had been doing before, neither does this agreement [with Brazil] represent any substantive change in our relations. What’s being done with Brazil is something very similar.”

Finally, on international issues and Brazil, Defense Minister Nelson Jobim left the Pentagon yesterday for the residence of the Brazilian ambassador in DC. There he spoke about pressures being placed on his government to support a new round of sanctions on Iran. “Guarantees must be given to Iran that it will not be attacked,” said Jobim. President Lula da Silva, also in town for the nuclear summit hosted by President Barack Obama, addressed the Iran issue as well, saying it’s unacceptable that “some countries are allowed to be armed to the teeth while others are left unarmed.” Lula goes to Iran for a state visit in May.

To other news:

· In a week of major international relations trips, the Center for Democracy in the Americas hosted an “expert call” for journalists yesterday [full audio recording available here] on Chinese President Hu Jintao’s upcoming visit to Brazil, Chile, and Venezuela. Cynthia Watson of the National War College, Dan Erikson of the Inter-American Dialogue, Nader Mousavizadeh of the International Institute for Strategic Studies, and New America’s Steve Clemons address the visit. CDA’s Sarah Stephen moderates. Trade and deepened economic relations seem to be priority number one on the Chinese agenda. But global political posturing could also be an objective as the Chinese join Brazil, India, and Russia for a summit of BRIC nations. President Hu will also make his first ever state visit to Venezuela which has caught the eyes of some analysts. As I mentioned last week, it will also be interesting to see if discussion of Iran comes up at all between the Chinese and Brazilians. President Obama has been leaning hard on Hu Jintao to support a new round of Iran sanctions in the UN, but, according to today’s Wall Street Journal, the Chinese president is still somewhat hesitant to fully support the United States’ on the issue [US officials say the Chinese are prepared to work with the US on the matter but the Chinese, in a released statement, make no mention of supporting US-proposed sanctions].

· A series of reports from Mexico this morning indicate that three Mexican drug cartels have joined forces to fight the growing presence of the notorious drug gang, los Zetas, in the border state of Tamaulipas. The Gulf Cartel, La Familia, and the Sinaloa cartel have formed an alliance, intelligence reports indicate, to fight the Zetas in what appears to be a major shift in inter-cartel politics. The Zetas were created as an armed wing of the Gulf Cartel, says the AP, but the two now appear to be operating separately. For their part, the Zetas control as much as 70 to 80 percent of Tamaulipas, according to some experts. Moreover, the Gulf cartel and the Sinaloa cartel have long been enemies but are now putting aside differences in their joint efforts against the Zetas. BBC Mundo adds that the Zetas may also have formed their own alliance, enlisting personal enemies of Sinaloa capo, Joaquín “el Chapo” Guzman, on their side.

· In other drug gang-related items, the Guardian looks at the Brazilian government’s “pacification” project in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro. Seven Rio favelas known to be centers of drug activity have been occupied by Brazilian special forces and police over the last 18 months. The article paints an optimistic picture of the program, quoting former Brazilian President Fernando Henrique Cardoso who recently made a visit to one of the occupied favelas: “We are talking about 100,000 people [who have been liberated from the gangs]. That's no small achievement. You have to start somewhere.”

· From Medellín, Colombia, Al-Jazeera’s Teresa Bo has a short, but excellent video report on rise of “successor” drug gangs which have once again made the city a very dangerous place.

· In Honduras, RAJ at Honduras Culture and Politics has the latest on the militarization of Bajo Aguan. Some 2000 military troops moved into their area where campesino groups have been struggling for land rights. On Monday, President Pepe Lobo argued that the move came because activists were arming themselves—or rather, being armed by “foreigners”—charges RAJ says are unfounded. Meanwhile, Costa Rican president-elect Laura Chinchilla visited Honduras yesterday and argued the country should be re-admitted to the OAS. [This after Mauricio Funes, Daniel Ortega, and Alvaro Colom cancelled a meeting they had scheduled with one another to discuss the issue this week]. And finally on Honduras, Professor Adrienne Pine has a piece at Counterpunch which is very critical of the Washington Office on Latin America’s handling of the situation in Honduras. In the lengthy piece, she argues that “much of the State Department's behind-the-scenes work is being carried out” by WOLA and says WOLA’s advocacy work has not been inclusive, particularly with respect to the Honduran Resistance.

· The Washington Post has more on First Lady Michelle Obama’s first solo diplomatic visit, to Mexico City. As reported yesterday, youth initiatives and engagement will be Mrs. Obama’s primary concern.

· EFE speaks with Carlos Castresana of the Guatemalan International Commission against Impunity about former president Alvaro Portillo and the “clandestine structures” he built and supported while president. Portillo was arrested in February.

· The New York Times has an interesting look at political street art in Caracas, and the struggle over public spaces which it frequently represents.

· Finally, some opinions. Filmmaker Pablo Navarette argues in the Guardian that the media should give less attention to Hugo Chavez in its Venezuela coverage and more to the country’s active grassroots groups that have been formed since Chavez came to power. Jaime Daremblum of the Hudson Institute argues at Real Clear World that threat of an “Iran-Venezuela alliance” continues to grow and is “the greatest threat to hemispheric security since the Cold War.” And Thomas McLarty, former chief of staff to Bill Clinton and also former special envoy for the Americas, writes in the Miami Herald on Chile’s Sebastian Pinera—someone he calls a “reliable US partner” and comparable to NYC Mayor Michael Bloomberg (“modern, pragmatic, results-oriented business leader -- more independent than ideological.”) [Journalist Benjamin Gedan writes on Pinera’s recent talk at Brookings as well, echoing many of these same points].

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